After Hosni Mubarak’s trial, an uncharted political path in Egypt

The trial of Hosni Mubarak, his sons and associates is a transformative event for Egypt and a moment of triumph for the thousands of young Egyptians who called so loudly for the strongman to step down.

The moment may be short-lived, however, as few of these young activists have taken the uprising to the next level and organized themselves politically for elections this fall.

Sally Sami is the exception. In January, the 32-year-old was one of a handful of youthful organizers calling for people to protest against the regime. Blogging as “Salamander” (others used handles such as Sandmonkey and GSquare) it was Ms. Sami who cheekily called for people to come out and demonstrate against Egypt’s brutal police on the country’s national Police Day, Jan. 25.

The result was combustion as thousands emerged to confront the surprised police. A few were killed in the melee that followed, and the uprising was launched. Poems were written about Ms. Sami, and the rest is history.

Six months later, you’ll find Ms. Sami a block and a half from Tahrir Square, at a big desk in the small second-floor offices of the Egyptian Social Democratic Party. Created in March, the centre-left party claims more than 20,000 members in 19 of the country’s 27 governorates.

That, however, is nothing compared with the strength of the SDP’s main political opponents: the Muslim Brotherhood and the remnants of the former ruling National Democratic Party. There also are a few decrepit old opposition parties and a gaggle of new ones, much like the SDP.

The revolutionary unity that gave the protesters strength ended soon after the president’s ouster.

“It’s natural for people to have different visions of what Egypt should look like,” Ms. Sami said.

It’s also natural, she acknowledged, for many not to want to make a life out of politics.

Those who did get involved were divided even over when they would like to participate in the first truly free election.

“We’re stuck with a short time to organize and reach the grassroots,” Ms. Sami complained. “But we didn’t want support for the revolution to wane if we waited too long.”

“We’ve already lost a lot of the enthusiasm,” she acknowledged. “Yes, I’m worried.”

During the uprising, the activists were proud of not having any leaders. They revelled in their anarchy.

Today, except for the new Free Egyptians party created by business tycoon Nabil Sawiris, none of Egypt’s parties has what one would call a charismatic leader.

“We have a lot of good people here,” Ms. Sami said, referring to her colleagues in the SDP. “We reject the idea of an individual leader.”

That may be a noble but impractical sentiment. “I don’t see them gaining much ground without some serious funding and charismatic leadership,” said Karim Alrawi, a playwright and human rights activist.

“We will win,” insisted Ms. Sami, “when we mobilize people around a cause or a policy.”

The goal isn’t so much to win this time, she said, as it is to get people activated – in any political party, in their community, in their professional syndicate. “The country has been a one-party state for so long, people don’t know how to be active.”

Except, that is, for the Muslim Brotherhood. Its people are at the helm of most of the country’s professional syndicates and have a vast network of charitable groups and sports clubs with which to cultivate supporters.

This Ramadan, for example, Egypt’s poor are turning for meals to tables set out by the Muslim Brothers. Ms. Sami said she expects the Brotherhood to take a third of the seats in parliament.

Interestingly, the Brotherhood also is divided, with many young supporters identifying with the secular activists. Therein may lie the best hope of some success for the SDP and other new parties – an alliance between secular activists and the youth of the Muslim Brotherhood.

“Together they are strong,” Mr. Alrawi said, “divided they become subsumed by political rifts. That is already happening and is undermining the effectiveness of the revolution.”

Ms. Sami acknowledged the appeal of such an alliance. But after last Friday, when hundreds of thousands of Islamists took over Tahrir Square and called for an Islamic state, “it’s become harder to convince party members” that an alliance is a good thing.

Ms. Sami admits to uncharacteristic frustration. The people she is trying to reach “are giving up very quickly,” she said.

The trial of the tyrant Mubarak may give the young politicians a boost, but it’s unlikely to make a big difference.

Ms. Sami has faced big odds before and come out the winner.

“We’re looking down the road” she said, rationalizing her circumstances. “This isn’t going to be the last election.”

“At least I hope not.”

Fuente: theglobeandmail.com